![]() ![]() This statement, endorsed by contacts in China, France, Russia, the UK and the US – all five recognised nuclear weapons states under the non-proliferation treaty – supports a return to this diplomacy, and protection of nuclear arms control as a global imperative. In the darkest hours of the Cold War, the Soviet Union and United States were able and willing to discuss and agree measures to reduce the risk of nuclear war. In a joint statement coordinated by the European Leadership Network and the Asia Pacific Leadership Network, some 26 former Foreign and Defence Ministers, six former Heads of State, over 30 former Ambassadors, multiple senior experts and scholars, and dozens of former senior officials, including former NATO Secretary-General, Assistant Secretaries-General, and Military Staff including Supreme Allied Commander for Europe (SACEUR) make a case for prioritising nuclear arms control. The article’s conclusion is that air power remains fundamental to the British way of war in post-Cold War conflict, as it has since the First World War.As the Heads of the Group of Seven (G7) gather in Hiroshima this week, one of only two sites to witness the catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons use in conflict, over 200 leaders and experts from 50 states warn of the need to compartmentalise nuclear arms control from great power competition. The article concludes by contending the intervention in Libya is an example of liberal militarism and continuation of the British way of war. ![]() The third section critically analyses the argument deployed before the SDSR that unitary, land-centric conflict would predominate and therefore Britain’s armed forces needed rebalancing. ![]() The article then questions the notion that air power has limited utility in counter-insurgency by examining Britain’s use of air power as part of a liberal militarist approach to counter-insurgency. The article starts with a synoptic examination of the utility of air power in what David Edgerton has called liberal militarism, enabling Britain to avoid bloody and expensive land conflict by using economic, technical and industrial superiority. ![]() "This article seeks to add to the post-Cold War character of conflict debate by putting air power, its attractiveness to liberal democracies and the subsequent British way of war, in both conventional war and counter-insurgency, into historical context. Finally, the study suggests that a strictly strategic employment maturity, in view of the participation not only of the air force at the strategic level but also of the Land Force at the operational and tactical level in the recent fighting, the capacity of the Army Aviation means to provide the necessary support to the surface troops, thus reinforcing the capabilities of the Ground Force. It is suggested the potential of organizational innovation, influencing the restructuring and the business model of the Land Force. With a qualitative bias, the research method used was the deductive and bibliographical basis, supported by content analysis, proposing a reflection on Air Power, essentially, it seeks to broaden the horizon regarding the propositions of Douhet, Mitchell, Seversky and Warden, demonstrating Army Aviation action at the operational and tactical levels. This is a reflection on the application of Air Power, particularly with the Land Force, addressing its ability to conduct modern combat and guarantee success in war, due to the flexibility of air assets. ![]()
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